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MULTIPLE CANNABIS OPERATORS ASK THE US SUPREME COURTTO OVERTURN THE HOLDING IN GONZALES v RAICH THATCONGRESS CAN CONTROL STRICTLY INTRASTATE COMMERCE INCANNABIS

OG article by Dale Schafer


October 29 2025






Four Massachsett’s cannabis operators have filed a Petition for Certiorari

with the US Supreme Court, asking the high court to overrule their 2005 ruling in

Gonzales v Raich (Raich), which gave Congress Commerce Clause authority to

regulate non-commercial, intrastate cannabis activities. This is a case I have

been watching, and hoping the Supreme Court would take up, to rein in the

federal government’s overreach into traditional state police powers, especially

state cannabis laws.


The Raich case is very personal to me because I was indicted, and

arrested, within two weeks of the Raich decision in June of 2005. Angel Raich

was a California medical marijuana (cannabis) patient who challenged federal

Commerce Clause authority over her for cannabis grown for her in her backyard

and to be used by her in her home. Raich’s cannabis activities were clearly

non-commercial, intrastate, and, under the clear language in the US Constitution,

not a power granted to the federal government. The US Supreme Court decided

that there was a rational basis to believe that the purely local, non-commercial

cannabis activities would have a substantial impact on interstate commerce,

thereby giving Congress the authority to regulate (prohibit) California’s nascent

medical cannabis industry.


To frame the issues here, let’s start with the US Constitution. Before 1789,

the Articles of Confederation allowed each state to impose tariffs and duties on

commerce entering and exiting each state. This was one of the many disastrous

policies from the Articles of Confederation directly addressed in the new

Constitution. The basic concept for the US Constitution was that all power rested

with the states and the people, except for the specifically enumerated powers

granted to the new federal government. Many of the battles over adopting the

new Constitution involved limiting federal power to only those specific powers

granted. If you want a better feel for these battles, read the Federalist and

Antifederalist papers from the late 1780’s.


Article 1, Section 8 of the US Constitution is a grant of federal

Congressional power. This section grants the federal government the power to

regulate commerce among the several states, and the power to make all laws

Necessary and Proper to execute the enumerated powers. As a specific limit on

federal power, the 10th Amendment gives to the states all power not specifically

granted to the federal government, or prohibited to the states. This was thought

to be clear enough to deal with legal cases arising from a team of oxen, pulling a

wagon, near a state line. Problems began to develop as the means of commerce

moved to steam ships, and rail roads, that could move commercial goods rapidly

across state borders. There were also cases in the 1800’s that limited the power

of the federal government to exercise authority where it was not granted, by

using another expressed power as a back door to exercise power, when the front

door is closed.


That brings me to the Great Depression. Prior to the New Deal of the

1930’s, the federal courts did not allow federal intervention into traditional state

power areas, because the Constitution was read literally. President Hoover

clearly did not believe he, or the federal government, could enact federal laws to

help individuals, or businesses, outside of the clearly enumerated federal

powers. FDR, who was the Governor of New York before he was elected

President, used the powers of the state to directly intervene in New York

resident’s lives. When FDR ascended to the Presidency in 1933, he believed

extraordinary measures were needed to protect and preserve the US

government. He pushed through Congress many federal programs that helped

desperate people to survive. Many of these programs were found to be

unconstitutional and struck down. FDR threatened to “pack the court” with new,

more favorable justices, and voila, the US Supreme Court changed its position

on the New Deal, and a new era of Constitutional interpretation had begun.

It was in this era of Constitutional jurisprudence that the US Supreme

Court decided the case of Wickard v Filburn (Wickard), a 1942 decision that

expanded the power of Congress to control intrastate commercial activities. Mr.

Filburn was a wheat farmer who grew a few acres of wheat for his own personal

use on his farm. Think animal feed and bread making which was not intended to

cross a state line. Wickard was the Secretary of Agriculture who was enforcing

the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1938, which allowed the federal government to


control ALL wheat production, including what Mr. Fulburn was growing. The law

was challenged, and the US Supreme Court held, that Congress could control

any activity that had a “substantial impact on interstate commerce”. The door had

been opened, and the stage was set, for the federal government, specifically

Congress, to exercise seemingly unfettered Commerce Clause power without

any apparent Constitutional guardrails.

The Wickard case was the legal foundation upon which the Raich case

was decided. In 2005, there were no states with commercial cannabis laws.

California had passed Prop 215 in 1996, which allowed a defense to state

cannabis criminal charges. California had also passed a State law, SB 420,

which allowed “collective and cooperative” cultivation of cannabis, within the

nascent medical cannabis industry. Angel Raich asked the court, through a civil

action, for a declaration that her non-commercial, intrastate cannabis activities

were ourside the authority and control of Congress. The Raich court took the

holding in Wickard, and decided that if there was a rational basis to believe there

would be a substantial impact on interstate commerce in cannabis, Congress

could control even non-commercial, intrastate activities. Justice Clarence

Thomas, in a scathing dissent, asked the important question...”is the 10th

Amendment a dead letter?”

The Petition for Certiorari from the cannabis operators in Canna Provisions

Inc., et al v Bondi (Canna Provisions) questions whether the rational basis

standard of review is appropriate in a case where Congress has clearly

exceeded its grant of interstate commerce power? When courts evaluate whether

an exercise of governmental power is constitutional, the courts use recognized

standards of review. The most deferential standard is the rational basis test

which asks whether the exercise of governmental power has a rational

relationship to the exercise of a legitimate governmental power. The

governmental almost always wins this test. The most exacting standard is the

“strict scrutiny” test which requires the government to prove that the exercise of

governmental power is necessary to achieve a compelling state interest. The

government almost always loses the strict scrutiny standard. So what standard

should apply to a case where the Congress has exceeded its grant of interstate

commerce power? Canna Provisions argues that the rational basis test is clearly

inappropriate.


It is also argued by Canna Provisions that the circumstances surrounding

the cannabis industry have drastically changed since Raich was decided. In

2005, there was no legitimate commerce in cannabis. The court felt that allowing

cannabis to be lawfully grown would frustrate Congress’s prohibition and make it

difficult to keep local cannabis out of interstate commerce. As of today, over half

of the states have legal cannabis industries with track and trace that allows for

control (at least that’s the argument) of local cannabis in interstate commerce.

Also, and importantly, the federal government has allowed state-level cannabis

industries to grow, and has actively prevented federal enforcement of lawful local

cannabis operators. Federal cannabis policy is clearly not what the court faced in

2005. I will also point out that the current makeup of the Supreme Court has

expressed a willingness, if not a desire, to return to pre-New Deal jurisprudence

for many issues, including Commerce Clause authority.


The Petition for a Writ of Certiorari is the opening request for the Supreme

Court to take the case for review. Since this is a discretionary act, the court could

simply decline review. If the court accepts the case, Pam Bondi will then respond

to the matters raised. How hard the federal government will fight to oppose this

case remains unknown. Canna Provisions has enlisted the legal services of

David Boies, one of the top litigators and Constitutional scholars in the country.

Which attorneys will be leading the government’s efforts to respond remains

unknown, but given the caliber and quality of recent federal government

attorneys, this could be a clown show. This case was also appealed without

pretrial workup so there are basically no facts established because the District

Court granted the federal government’s motion to dismiss. What the court has

before it is the pleadings from Canna Provisions, which are legally presumed to

be true. The court could send the case back down for further proceedings to

establish facts after contested hearings. The court could also throw out the Raich

case and set a new standard for the federal government to extend federal

commerce authority into traditional state police powers, protected by the 10th

Amendment. I don’t know where that new standard would leave us when all the

dust settles. Any way the court addresses this will leave many gnashing their

teeth. Fasten your seat belt because this one could be big.





 
 
 

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